By Miklós Vassányi
First affirmed by means of Plato, the idea that of the realm as a cosmic residing being, possessed of a soul, received nice value within the Stoic and Neo-Platonic philosophical colleges. numerous medieval philosophers displayed an curiosity during this thought of the area soul, which retained its appealing energy even into the Renaissance. even if, the prime early glossy rationalists, in particular Leibniz, came upon the area soul philosophically unacceptable. Why and the way then did the German Romantics of the past due 1700s and early 1800s – initially Franz von Baader and Schelling – come resolutely to posit the life of the realm soul? In Anima Mundi: the increase of the area Soul conception in smooth German Philosophy , Miklós Vassányi exhibits that the metaphysical aspirations of the early German Romantics couldn't be happy by way of the Leibnizian proposal of a God past the realm. strong as Leibniz’s argument is whilst essentially the life of God is taken into account, it fails to convincingly account for the presence of God in the international, and for the harmony of the realm. the basic existential event of the Romantics was once that God is instantly found in Nature, that God and Nature represent an indissoluble Absolute. the simplest philosophical device to articulate their thought of the interpenetration of the Finite and the limitless used to be a concept of the soul of the world.
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Additional resources for Anima Mundi: The Rise of the World Soul Theory in Modern German Philosophy
That Schelling knew of, and had an interest in De hylozoismo precisely when he was collecting material for his Von der Weltseele. 22 § 1 of De hylozoismo. 23 Ploucquet: De hylozoismo, p. 48. 4 Ploucquet: De hylozoismo veterum et recentiorum (1775) 23 infinite, it is either linked to the world by necessity, or freely influences it (§§ VI–VII). If it is finite, then it is either subordinate to God or not (§ III); and, finally, if it is subordinate to God, then it is either part of what it animates (“pars animati”), or it is the efficient cause of all live beings and of all substantial forms (“Causa efficiens omnium vivorum omniumque formarum”; § XVII).
18 “§ 334. , p. 102. Transl. by M. Vassányi). 16 17 22 4 2 Presentation of Texts Relevant for the anima mundi. , before the young Schelling arrived there, though his reputation must have remained very strong there for a long period. 22 He dedicates the most substantial, middle part of the text to a detailed criticism of Leibniz’s and Robinet’s respective positions, which he regarded hylozoistical. It is in the introductory §§ I–XXXIX that Ploucquet presents and refutes ancient source material regarding the anima mundana, the world soul, while he ends off the book with a concise formulation of his own version of vitalism (last two pages, §§ CXIX-CXXIX), of which a summarizing statement is given in the closing § CXXIX.
511 on the divine mind as consisting of the ideas of all things). 4 As he put it in De arcanis sublimium: It seems that there is… some most perfect mind, or God. 6 But Leibniz’s position was going to change soon, apparently even in the course of the very same year of 1676. The sudden change of attitude is attested by On the Origin of Things from the Forms (De origine rerum ex formis), written probably in April 1676. Here Leibniz voices the argument that a hypothetical anima mundi cannot be an aggregate of individual souls.
Anima Mundi: The Rise of the World Soul Theory in Modern German Philosophy by Miklós Vassányi